TINUBU MUST GO: HIS DISTRIBUTORSHIP OF HUNGER AND MISERIES TO THE NIGERIAN PEOPLE MUST END IN 2027. ATIKU ALL THE WAY.

Aare Amerijoye DOT.B,

There are leaders who inherit problems and solve them. There are leaders who inherit problems and manage them. And then there are leaders who receive a nation’s trust, convert it into policy, and distribute the consequences of that policy as suffering, efficiently, comprehensively, and without remorse, to every household in the land.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu belongs to the third category.

He is not merely a failed president. He is Nigeria’s most prolific distributor of misery. And in 2027, Nigerians must shut down his operation permanently.

THE DISTRIBUTORSHIP MODEL

A distributor receives a product and ensures it reaches every corner of the market. He organises the channels. He ensures nothing goes undistributed.

Since 29 May 2023, Tinubu has run the most efficient distributorship in Nigerian history. The product is suffering. The channels are policy. The reach is total.

He distributed petrol price shock on his first day, before the echo of his inauguration speech had faded. He distributed exchange rate collapse to the importer, the manufacturer, and the family buying imported medication. He distributed food inflation to the mother rationing meals in Borno and the child going to school without breakfast in Abeokuta. He distributed electricity tariff hikes to the small business owner whose generator fuel had already tripled.

He distributed insecurity too, with the same indifference he applied to hunger and darkness. Farmers cannot reach their fields. Travellers cannot use the highways. Communities go to sleep not knowing if they will wake up whole.

This is the Tinubu distributorship. Nationwide. Efficient. Merciless.

THE NUMBERS ARE NOT POLITICS. THEY ARE PROSECUTION.

When Tinubu assumed office, petrol sold for approximately N185 per litre. It now sells above N1,000 across most of the country. That is not a price adjustment. That is a catastrophe delivered to the doorstep of every Nigerian who moves, trades, or eats.

The naira, which exchanged at roughly N460 to the dollar at handover, collapsed past N1,500, erasing the savings, the business plans, and the future calculations of an entire productive class.

Food inflation peaked at 40.01 percent in February 2024, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. That is the highest recorded figure in Nigeria’s modern statistical history. Every percentage point of that figure is a child eating less. Every naira lost on the exchange rate is a business closing. The World Food Programme has documented that over 26 million Nigerians face acute food insecurity. Twenty-six million. Not a metaphor. A roll call of the hungry.

These are not talking points. They are indictments.

THEY CALLED IT REFORM. NIGERIA CALLED IT WHAT IT IS.

The apologists came quickly and came prepared. They brought structural adjustment language. Subsidy rationalisation. Market correction. They spoke in the tones of technocrats who had studied the problem from a sufficient distance to feel nothing about its consequences.

Let us grant them something. Subsidy removal was not inherently wrong as a policy direction. Currency unification had theoretical merit. Something had to give in Nigeria’s distorted fiscal architecture.

Granted. All of it granted.

Now answer one question: where was the cushion?

Where was the social protection programme to catch the tens of millions exposed when the subsidy went? Where was the mass transit investment to soften the transport cost explosion? Where was the emergency support for small businesses drowning under a collapsed naira?

They announced the pain. They never delivered the cure.

That is not reform. That is sadism wearing an economist’s tie.

THE CONTEMPT THAT CANNOT BE FORGIVEN

Policies can be wrong and still be forgivable if the leader demonstrably carries the weight of their consequences.

What has made this tenure not merely incompetent but morally unacceptable is the contempt. The holiday photographs while Nigerians queued for fuel. The foreign medical trips while public hospitals collapsed. The long silences while citizens asked desperately for acknowledgement that their suffering was seen by the man in Aso Rock.

The body language of a presidency communicates as loudly as its policies. And the body language of this presidency has communicated, consistently and unmistakably: we are not particularly troubled by what you are going through.

A man of Tinubu’s personal wealth does not feel a naira of the suffering he has imposed on Nigeria. He does not know what it costs to fill a keke with fuel. He does not know what it means to look at a school fees invoice and decide which bill goes unpaid this month to cover it. He does not know. And more critically: he has made no visible effort to find out.

That is not a governance failure. That is a moral one.

2027: THE COUNTER-PROPOSAL.

Nigeria does not only need to remove Tinubu. It needs a replacement whose record justifies the transfer of trust.

That replacement is Atiku Abubakar.

Let the objections line up. They are known. But consider the record. As Vice President from 1999 to 2007, Atiku co-presided over an administration that grew Nigeria’s external reserves from under $5 billion to over $43 billion. The Paris Club debt of $30 billion was liquidated. GDP growth averaged over 6 percent annually across that period. Nigeria’s debt-to-GDP ratio fell to some of its lowest recorded levels. These are not campaign claims. They are auditable figures from the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Debt Management Office.

One need not be an uncritical admirer to acknowledge that the contrast with the current moment is not merely unfavourable to Tinubu. It is devastating.

Beyond the economics, Atiku carries a pan-Nigerian political geography that no other opposition figure matches. He can win in the North, compete in the South-West, consolidate in the South-East, and hold the Middle Belt. The coalition arithmetic forming around the ADC’s 2027 campaign does not point in multiple directions. It points in one.

Atiku. All the way.

THE VERDICT

Tinubu must go.

Not because the opposition demands it. Because Nigeria demands it. Because the mother who cannot feed her children demands it. Because the graduate who cannot find work demands it. Because the retiree whose pension cannot buy what it bought three years ago demands it.

The distributorship of hunger and misery must be shut down.

The renewal that was promised and never delivered must be answered for.

And on election day 2027, Nigeria must hand Bola Ahmed Tinubu the only receipt that matters: a ballot that says, plainly and without apology, your services are no longer required.

Atiku all the way. The Narrative Force will ensure this message reaches every ward, every polling unit, and every Nigerian who still believes that this country deserves better than a government that has made an industry of their suffering.

Aare Amerijoye DOT.B, Director General,
The Narrative Force,
thenarrativeforce.org
14 April 2026

Aare Amerijoye Donald Olalekan Temitope Bowofade (DOT.B) is a Nigerian political strategist, public intellectual, and writer. He serves as the Director-General of The Narrative Force (TNF), a strategic communication and political-education organisation committed to shaping ideas, narratives, and democratic consciousness in Nigeria. An indigene of Ekiti State, he was born in Osogbo, then Oyo State, now Osun State, and currently resides in Ekiti State. His political and civic engagement spans several decades. In the 1990s, he was actively involved in Nigeria’s human-rights and pro-democracy struggles, participating in organisations such as Human Rights Africa and the Nigerianity Movement among many others, where he worked under the leadership of Dr. Tunji Abayomi during the nation’s fight for democratic restoration. Between 2000 and 2002, he served as Assistant Organising Secretary of Ekiti Progressives and the Femi Falana Front, under Barrister Femi Falana (SAN), playing a key role in grassroots mobilisation, civic education, and progressive political advocacy. He has since served in government and party politics in various capacities, including Senior Special Assistant to the Ekiti State Governor on Political Matters and Inter-Party Relations, Secretary to the Local Government, and Special Assistant on Youth Mobilisation and Strategy. At the national level, he has been a member of various nationally constituted party and electoral committees, including the PDP Presidential Campaign Council Security Committee (2022) and the Ondo State 2024 election committee. Currently, he is a member of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and serves as Secretary of the Ekiti State ADC Strategic Committee, where he plays a central role in party structuring, strategy, and grassroots coordination. Aare Amerijoye writes extensively on governance, leadership ethics, party politics, and national renewal. His essays and commentaries have been published in Nigerian Tribune, Punch, The Guardian, THISDAY, TheCable, and leading digital platforms. His work blends philosophical depth with strategic clarity, advancing principled politics anchored on truth, justice, and moral courage.

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