THEY CARRY THE BROOM, BUT THEY HAVE DROPPED THE MAN: THE NORTH HAS PASSED ITS VERDICT, AND IT READS ATIKU

Aare Amerijoye DOT.B

Something is moving across the North that no Abuja press statement can paper over.

An analyst whose words are now travelling across Nigerian timelines put it without decoration: the majority of voters in the North have rejected Tinubu, and they are not hiding it. They are campaigning for their governors, their senators and their representatives, the analyst observed, but they are not accommodating Tinubu in their APC campaigns.

Read that again, slowly. It may be the most important political sentence of this season.

They have not dropped the broom. They have dropped the man the broom was meant to carry.

THE CAMPAIGN WITHOUT A FACE

Northern politicians know their people. A senator seeking return knows which name lifts a crowd and which name empties a field. When a candidate keeps the President out of his own campaign, that is not an oversight. It is market intelligence. The seller has read the buyer, and the buyer has said no.

This is how a ruling party dies in Nigeria. Not with a defection announced at a press conference, but with a quiet calculation in a thousand campaign offices, where men who wear the same party cap decide that their survival depends on keeping a distance from the man at the top.

THE BALLOT WAS NEVER ONE SHEET

On 16 January 2027, the Northern voter will not be handed one ballot. He will be handed separate papers: one for President, one for the Senate, one for the House of Representatives. The governorship comes later, on 6 February 2027.

The thumb that stamps for a local senator owes nothing to the presidential paper. Northern voters understand this better than anyone, because they have done it before.

In 2023, Atiku won Kaduna, Katsina, Kebbi, Yobe and Gombe, five states with sitting APC governors who threw the full weight of incumbency behind Tinubu. The governors had the government houses. The people had the votes. The people won.

Now look at the governors of 2027. Their own elections come three weeks after the presidential poll. A governor who chains himself to a rejected name in January is gambling his own seat in February. Self-preservation, the oldest law in politics, now runs away from Tinubu. That is what the analyst is describing.

Governors do not own votes. Hunger does not take instructions from a party secretariat.

WHY THE NORTH IS TURNING TO ATIKU

The North is not simply walking away from something. It is walking towards someone.

It is walking towards a man who spent 20 years in the Nigeria Customs Service and retired as Deputy Director, the second highest rank, having built his reputation at Apapa on discipline and reform.

It is walking towards a Vice President who, by law, chaired the National Economic Council under the 1999 Constitution and the National Council on Privatisation under the Public Enterprises Act. In those years, external reserves rose from 3.7 billion dollars to about 45 billion. Nigeria settled with the Paris Club in 2005, had 18 billion dollars of debt written off, and exited in 2006. Fewer than 500,000 telephone lines in 1999 became the mobile revolution every Northern trader now carries in his pocket.

It is walking towards a man who built the American University of Nigeria in Yola with his own money, and kept its gates open through the insurgency while it fed displaced people in their hundreds of thousands. When others fled the North East, he stayed and fed it.

It is walking towards the restructuring creed Atiku has held for decades: strong federating states empowered to compete and reach their full potential, state police for communities that have buried too many sons, and a lean centre that does fewer things and does them well.

It is walking towards the Atiku Economic Recovery Plan, a committed working document that moves support away from importers and middlemen towards Nigerian production, Nigerian refineries, and the farmer whose fertiliser has become a luxury.

And it is walking towards a unifier. Atiku has stood down three times for the stronger position, in 1993, 1999 and 2003. Not once in thirty three years has he asked a stronger man to yield to him. The North knows the difference between a man who demands loyalty and a man who has given it.

THE SHOCK THAT IS NOT A SHOCK

The analyst says the North will shock Tinubu. With respect, it will only shock those who have not been listening.

The North has been speaking for months. In markets where a measure of grain now costs what a week’s wages once did. In motor parks where drivers count passengers who can no longer afford the fare. In mosques and churches across the Sahel fringe and the Middle Belt, where prayers for rain have been joined by prayers for safe roads home.

The palace hears applause from those it pays to applaud. The North is not applauding. It is campaigning around the President, the way water flows around a stone it has already decided to leave behind.

When a man’s own party campaigns without his face, the election has already begun to speak.

FINISH THE VERDICT

To every Northern voter who has already made this decision in his heart: finish it on the ballot.

Collect your PVC. Know your polling unit. Arrive early on 16 January 2027 and stay until the result is announced and posted. And let the same thumb that refused Tinubu complete the work on every paper, ADC from top to bottom, so that the Atiku government has a National Assembly ready to deliver the recovery the North is voting for.

The North has rejected a name. Now let it elect a plan.

102 days to go.

#Atiku2027 #TheNorthHasSpoken #ADC #AtikuAmaechi2027 #16January2027

Aare Amerijoye DOT.B
Director General,
The Narrative Force
thenarrativeforce.org
7 October 2026

Aare Amerijoye Donald Olalekan Temitope Bowofade (DOT.B) is a Nigerian political strategist, public intellectual, and writer. He serves as the Director-General of The Narrative Force (TNF), a strategic communication and political-education organisation committed to shaping ideas, narratives, and democratic consciousness in Nigeria. An indigene of Ekiti State, he was born in Osogbo, then Oyo State, now Osun State, and currently resides in Ekiti State. His political and civic engagement spans several decades. In the 1990s, he was actively involved in Nigeria’s human-rights and pro-democracy struggles, participating in organisations such as Human Rights Africa and the Nigerianity Movement among many others, where he worked under the leadership of Dr. Tunji Abayomi during the nation’s fight for democratic restoration. Between 2000 and 2002, he served as Assistant Organising Secretary of Ekiti Progressives and the Femi Falana Front, under Barrister Femi Falana (SAN), playing a key role in grassroots mobilisation, civic education, and progressive political advocacy. He has since served in government and party politics in various capacities, including Senior Special Assistant to the Ekiti State Governor on Political Matters and Inter-Party Relations, Secretary to the Local Government, and Special Assistant on Youth Mobilisation and Strategy. At the national level, he has been a member of various nationally constituted party and electoral committees, including the PDP Presidential Campaign Council Security Committee (2022) and the Ondo State 2024 election committee. Currently, he is a member of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and serves as Secretary of the Ekiti State ADC Strategic Committee, where he plays a central role in party structuring, strategy, and grassroots coordination. Aare Amerijoye writes extensively on governance, leadership ethics, party politics, and national renewal. His essays and commentaries have been published in Nigerian Tribune, Punch, The Guardian, THISDAY, TheCable, and leading digital platforms. His work blends philosophical depth with strategic clarity, advancing principled politics anchored on truth, justice, and moral courage.

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