Aare Amerijoye DOT.B
There is a particular species of political dread that no press release can suppress, no APC rally can drown out, and no bag of rice can purchase away. It is the dread of a man who has seen this film before. It is the cold, creeping recognition that the ground beneath him is moving, and that those he paid to hold it steady are themselves quietly making other arrangements.
That dread has arrived at Aso Rock.
Insider sources point to rising unease within the Presidency, as key power brokers express disappointment over what they describe as a surprising and unprecedented openness by Northern APC governors toward the ADC. The language of those sources is careful, deliberate, and damning. Not shock. Not confusion. Disappointment. The word chosen by men who trusted that loyalty had been purchased at sufficient price, only to discover that the receipt was counterfeit.
Within the Jagaban camp, anxiety is growing. The parallels being drawn are not to some distant historical accident. They are to 2014. To the months when a structurally dominant PDP began haemorrhaging credibility faster than it could print propaganda. When the smiles at Aso Villa were widest, the defections were deepest. When Jonathan’s handlers insisted the party was unassailable, five governors were already placing quiet calls to the emerging APC coalition. History does not repeat itself exactly. But it rhymes with a precision that should terrify any incumbent who is paying attention.
THE WHISPERS APC CHIEFS ARE NOW DARING TO SPEAK ALOUD
Let us not traffic in rumour when the record itself is explosive enough.
It was not an ADC spokesman who first exposed the rot. It was Babachir Lawal, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation under Muhammadu Buhari, a man who spent years in the corridors of APC power. Speaking on TVC News, Lawal confirmed what many had suspected and the Presidency had spent millions denying: that sitting APC governors are quietly backing the emerging opposition coalition. Not former governors. Not peripheral figures. Sitting governors.
“Yes, there are APC members working with the coalition. Some might not be bold enough to say it like I have, but they’re there, including governors,” he said.
Read that again. Including governors.
He did not say defecting governors. He said working with the coalition. That warning, issued in July 2025, was widely dismissed by APC handlers as the grievance of a disgruntled outsider. Then came the Kwankwaso earthquake in Kano. Then came the Ganye collapse. Every subsequent event has validated Babachir’s assessment rather than contradicted it. He was not a disgruntled voice. He was a prophet with insider coordinates.
The central indictment in his testimony remains undisturbed: the APC’s mass absorption of opposition governors is not a coalition of conviction. It is a convoy of calculation. Men protecting their positions, not their principles. And such convoys dissolve the moment a more compelling calculation presents itself.
THE KANO EARTHQUAKE AND WHAT IT MEANS FOR THE NORTH
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso crossed into the ADC in Kano State three weeks ago. He did not arrive alone. He brought the Kwankwasiyya movement, its networks, its footsoldiers, and 3.5 million votes in the single most electorally consequential state in the North.
The response from within the APC was not reassurance. It was panic dressed as commentary.
APC chieftain Alwan Hassan, speaking on Channels Television, declared bluntly that the ruling party had already lost Kano, warning that without Kwankwaso’s support base, no one in the state had the strength to defeat him. He then delivered the passage that every 2027 analyst must read slowly. Hassan warned that many APC governors are “not real,” that they are “murmuring inside their stomach,” that they do not genuinely support the president, and that once they see the opposition gaining ground, they will work against him — either directly or indirectly.
That is not an opposition spokesman. That is a senior figure within the ruling party, speaking about his own governors, on live national television. He is describing an APC whose governors are smiling in communiqués and scheming in private.
President Tinubu received both former Kano Governor Abdullahi Ganduje and former Defence Minister Badaru Abubakar in separate closed-door meetings at the Presidential Villa on 31 March 2026, the day after Kwankwaso’s defection. Emergency meetings at Aso Rock do not happen because a president is comfortable. They happen because a president is calculating how much more he can afford to lose.
THE GANYE NUMBER THAT SAYS EVERYTHING
If Kano was an earthquake, the Ganye constituency by-election in Adamawa State was the advance tremor that should have prompted evacuation.
In 2023, the APC won that seat with over 4,000 votes. In 2025, after deploying over 6,000 security personnel and ministers from multiple states, the APC won with 96 votes.
Ninety-six.
An incumbent ruling party, with full state machinery deployed, fell from 4,000 votes to 96. That is a 97.6 per cent collapse between two cycles. This result does not require interpretation. It is arithmetic. And it is the arithmetic that Northern APC governors are performing in private when they decide where their interest truly lies. Votes are not with governors. They are with the people. And the people, in Ganye, in Kano, and in every market from Maiduguri to Minna where a litre of fuel still costs more than a day’s wage, have already rendered their preliminary verdict.
THE 2014 PARALLEL AND WHY IT IS EXACT, NOT APPROXIMATE
In 2014, a structurally dominant PDP commanded 23 of 36 governorships, controlled the National Assembly, and held the presidency with all its instruments. By January 2015, it was fighting for its political life against a coalition assembled from its own disaffected organs.
The mechanism of that collapse was not a sudden loss of public confidence. It expressed itself first in whispers within governors’ councils. Then in individual calculations. Then in mass defections. By the time PDP understood what was happening structurally, it was too late to reverse the current.
The APC currently governs around 31 states. But as analysts have correctly observed, the ADC does not need to replicate 2013 through mass formal defections to replicate the effect. It only needs the informal withdrawal of energy and commitment by governors who calculate that hedging is safer than full loyalty. Babachir Lawal has confirmed that hedging is underway. Alwan Hassan has confirmed the murmuring is already inside their stomachs. The Ganye result has confirmed that maximum mobilisation is producing minimum returns. And the North is reorganising its gravitational centre.
This is not an analogy. This is a trajectory.
THE QUESTION NIGERIA MUST NOW ANSWER
Atiku Abubakar has stated plainly that the Tinubu administration has been coercing governors and political heavyweights into its fold, deploying the instruments of state power including the security architecture, incumbency advantage, and access to the national treasury. Coercion masquerades to as political momentum. Thirty-one governors on paper looks like a coalition. But what has been purchased through intimidation and prosecution threats is compliance, not loyalty. And compliance has a precise half-life.
Dino Melaye captured the fatal logic with characteristic precision: “The governors can all decamp to the ruling party and hold hands on the way down. The electorate will ensure it is a spectacular collective defeat.”
The ADC does not need to win the press release war. The evidence of Tinubu’s fear is already in the emergency palace meetings, the deployment of six thousand security officers to a single by-election, and the rice bags and spaghetti that an administration distributes when it has lost the argument and is trying to buy the audience.
A Yoruba elder, watching a man pour more water into a pot that has already cracked, does not ask whether the man is confident. He asks whether the man has noticed that the floor is wet.
The floor of Tinubu’s APC is wet. The governors know it. The power brokers know it. The insider sources who speak of “disappointment” at unprecedented Northern openness toward the ADC know it.
The only question remaining is whether 2027 will confirm what 2014 telegraphed: that in Nigerian democracy, when the stomach-murmurs grow loud enough, they become a movement. And when a movement finds its moment, not even Aso Rock is large enough to contain it.
History is not yet repeating itself. But it is clearing its throat.
Aare Amerijoye DOT.B Director General,
The Narrative Force (thenarrativeforce.org)
